The John Crown Omnibus

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Languages Add links. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Dust cover of first edition. Crown Publishers. The offender then had to try to prove that they did not have a pattern of dangerous behaviour.


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That burden is too onerous, lawyer Peter Behr argued — and Judge Bryant agreed. Behr said in an interview from his office in London, Ont. Behr represents Roland Hill, the man at the centre of this constitutional challenge.

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He was convicted in of a sexual assault and in of assault causing bodily harm. In the case now before the courts, Mr. Hill pleaded guilty to two counts for what Judge Bryant called a "horrible" assault on a "defenceless young woman. Hill was a dangerous offender through the traditional method.

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The case returns to court Oct. As the matter is still before the courts, a spokesman for the Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General said he could not comment beyond noting the rest of the dangerous offender sentencing regime is not affected by the ruling.

The Crown had argued that the provision streamlined the process for dangerous offender designations only for the worst of the worst. Between and April there were people who were designated dangerous offenders.

The Crown had no evidence showing that the reverse onus was necessary to make sure the most dangerous offenders are designated as such, Judge Bryant wrote. Crown lawyers can access all kinds of evidence to prove their case such as psychiatric assessments, police witnesses and criminal records, he noted.

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The dangerous offender reverse onus was part of the government's Tackling Violent Crime bill, which increased penalties in a number of areas, including gun control, drunk driving and the age of consent. In July, an Ontario Court judge struck down a three-year firearm trafficking mandatory minimum sentence in the case of a crack dealer who offered to sell an undercover police officer a gun. In February, Ontario Superior Court Judge Anne Molloy struck down a three-year minimum sentence for a first offence of illegally possessing a loaded gun. The cases are expected to be appealed to higher courts.

The Ontario government has already indicated they will appeal the Molloy decision. This is a space where subscribers can engage with each other and Globe staff.

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The purpose is to understand what happens in a service, what causal relationships exist between people and the system, what pain points exist, and how the processes can be improved. Part of our theory of work is to acknowledge that there are some blind spots in this process. We insert ourselves as a group of researchers to facilitate the exchange of knowledge between participants, to bridge information gaps and find ways of sharing needed information more effectively, but we are newcomers in this space.

We have had some experience working with reentry services in the past, but the families and the libraries and the non-profits are the experts. Enter ethnography. Ethnographic practices come out of anthropology, but unlike typical social science approaches, design ethnography allows for open-ended, immersive, and collaborative experiences with interlocutors. It requires trust and flexible time to do this kind of work.

We generate a great deal of media, and it can take many forms, so parsing the media and sifting through it becomes a big part of the process. Sometimes we do drive the media to look like more complete short films, but we also play with it; for instance, when deconstructed it can become fodder for a scenario workshop. We also synthesize findings from the fieldwork to design inquiry questions that inform other workshop activities, like ecosystem mapping, journey mapping, or other service blueprint investigations. The work in the field and the work of synthesizing the media are design processes that then flow into other stages.

We analyze the findings, turning them into insights and design principles addressing physical and emotional space, as well as propensities, relationships, and language. There are different ways to play with those media outputs, to overlap them with more technical tools.

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If you start positioning the stories that the design ethnography process generates in a journey map or a service blueprint, you may realize where the friction is. You may start seeing the contradictions, the various truths of the system that different people experience based on whether they are engaging with day-by-day operations and service delivery, or with inputs and outcomes.

That mapping should then inform an exploratory workshop aimed at generating a common understanding of the problems and prompting participants to start thinking about future investments and strategic decisions moving forward. In the second phase, we will be thinking about design more concretely through prototyping and piloting new services. How do define the purview of this specific project? The needs of each of those neighborhoods could be quite different, and the use of those libraries could be quite different. For example, Telestory was placed purposefully in 12 neighborhoods that have high incarceration rates.

How do they get a new public defender? What are their rights for in-person visits? So the next meeting we invited someone from Bronx Defenders to come in. For instance, at the Bedford branch, which is really close to the Atlantic Armory where a lot of folks coming out of the criminal justice system find transitional shelter, the branch staff get all sorts of really specific reentry questions.

A lot of library services are led by the patrons asking the questions. The idea is that a relationship with a librarian is a form of reference.

R Austin Freeman

It sounds like a lot of the co-design process that DESIS is describing is happening informally within the library staff and users. I think the specific benefit is precisely the formality the designers bring — the frame of programmatic scaleability and sustainability, in particular. They are also able to map out what we might only be peripherally aware of in terms of the experience patrons have of the library as an institution. What sorts of concrete resources or changes to the space of the library could this collaboration produce?

But maybe a screening tool for library staff — there are all sorts of social service databases out there that staff members could search based on the type of need that a patron is expressing, combined with what we know about meeting that need, to find out what connection to services or support we can make. It also involves creating different kinds of spaces. There is a traditional model of having a desk that someone goes to.

What was the name they came up with? But potentially it could work. When Saheed Vassell was killed in Crown Heights, the community approached the library not only to make photocopies, but also to have a healing event for the community and the family in the library. How will the library navigate making programs and spaces available to specific segments of the public that need it, versus opening services and spaces to the entire public? But if you look at the ecosystem that TeleStory exists in — the for-profit model and efforts by the private video visitation industry to shut down access to in-person visits so that they have a monopoly on contact — that shifts the role of the library.

That changes the conversations we have internally about it.